By Richard Franklin Bensel
In contrast to sleek elections, the yank polling position of the mid-nineteenth century used to be completely endowed with symbolic which means for those who in a different way should not have had the least curiosity in politics. This made the polls fascinating and inspired males to vote at a ways greater premiums than they do this day. males who approached a polling position have been met by means of brokers of the main political events. They taken care of the citizens with whiskey, gave them petty bribes, and suggested that they need to be unswerving to their ethnic and non secular groups. As mentioned within the eyewitness bills of normal electorate, the polls have been mostly crowded, noisy, and sometimes, violent.
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Extra resources for American ballot box mid 19th century
No. D. no. 7 (1868): p. R. no. D. (no number, bound between nos. 24 and 25 ): p. 236. The leading authority on the legality of election practices, George W. ” However, the only punishment he could ﬁnd was to render void any contract in which the intent was to procure and distribute liquor to voters. A Treatise on the American Law of Elections (Keokuk, Iowa: R. B. Ogden, 1875), p. 139. Since these arrangements could usually not bear scrutiny on many other grounds, rendering such contracts unenforceable in a court of law was equivalent to no punishment at all.
But many men resided on poor farms or received relief only sporadically. 9 With respect to disqualiﬁcation on grounds of having an “unsound mind,” the government kept fairly careful records of men who had been committed to an asylum or had had someone appointed by a court to look after their affairs. But these records were usually unavailable to election ofﬁcials and, in any case, documented only a fairly small percentage of men who were recognized to be mentally incompetent. For most of the distinctions set down in election law, the government simply did not keep formal records.
No. D. no. 4 (1859): pp. 153, 154, 247. A lawyer working for the reform coalition in the Tenth Ward testiﬁed that he asked “considerable numbers of native-born citizens” who had reform tickets “to vote, persuaded them to vote, endeavored to inﬂuence their manhood, but, looking about, they would say they had wives and children, and would not like to risk their lives in a useless attempt” (p. 203). On occasion men were actually killed. For example, a voter was murdered at the polls in Baltimore’s Fifteenth Ward in 1859.
American ballot box mid 19th century by Richard Franklin Bensel